ErwinO.Smigeln/an/an/an/a
Public Attitudes Toward Stealing as Related to the Size
of the Victim Organization1
This study concerns attitudes toward stealing from each of three
categories of organizations: small business, large business, and
government. It was conducted in an effort to determine how size of the
victim organization affects public attitudes toward stealing. The study
seemed important not only for the immediate issue, but also for possible
insights into attitudes toward bureaucracy, especially its impersonal
aspects, and for what it could add to an understanding of the relationship
between organizational size and attitudes in general. Usual assumptions
pertaining to the effect of organizational size on attitudes suggest the
following hypothesis: If obliged to choose, most individuals would prefer
to steal from, and be more approving of others stealing from, large scale,
impersonal rather than from small scale, personal organizations.
To explore this hypothesis a systematic random sample of 212
non-transient adults of Bloomington, Indiana, was drawn and interviewed in
their homes. These individuals in addition to background information
queries were given fifteen hypo-thetic situational questions, a set of five
for each type of organization, involving stealing from government (GOV),
large business (LB), and small business (SB). The respondents were asked to
approve or disapprove, using Likert scale categories, of stealing under a
variety of circumstances. The first section of this paper analyzes
situational question responses. A second section examines responses to a
forced choice hypothetical circumstance query. Respondents were requested
to select the one organization—GOV, LB, or SB—from which they would
prefer to steal if forced by necessity. They were then asked to give
reasons for their selection or rejection of each organization.
THE SITUATIONAL QUESTION ANALYSIS
Cross correlations between each of the organizations indicate that
respondents generally disapprove of stealing regardless of the size of the
organization. Despite this general disapproval, important differences in
degree of disapproval were found. The Stealing Attitude Scores (Table 1)
show greatest disapproval toward stealing from SB and lesser disapproval
toward stealing from LB and GOV. Although differences in degree of
disapproval between LB and GOV are negligible, the results, at least for
the large versus small dichotomy, support the hypothesis.
TABLE 1
ATTITUDES TOWARD STEALING
When the Stealing Attitude Scores of people with various backgrounds are
compared, some further differentiation is discovered. In terms of
socio-economic status it was found that regardless of organizational size,
the lower the SES, the greater the approval of stealing.2 Similar results
were obtained by separate analysis of occupation and education. In general,
on Counts’ occupational scale, respondents who rated lower were more
approving than were those who rated higher. The same consistency was found
in connection with level of education. Respondents with less than thirteen
years of schooling were less disapproving of stealing than were those with
more education.
Although relationships between approval or disapproval and social class
exist, the various socio-economic levels seem to be affected differentially
by the size of the victim organization. Table 2 demonstrates that lower
socio-economic respondents show the greatest proportional difference in
scores between government and small business. A 77 per cent proportional
difference resulted for lower SES as compared with 38 per cent for upper
respondents, indicating the differential effect of organizational size
upon subjects’ attitudes. Respondents, then from lower socio-economic
levels, are more affected by size of organization than are those from upper
levels.
Comparable relationships of the following sort were also found:
1. Sex. Stealing Attitude Scores for the sample of 110 men and 102 women
differ, with females more inclined to approve of stealing than males.
However, men who approved did so to a greater degree than did women.
Analysis of the differences in scores between GOV and SB, for both men and
women, in the most disapproving column (21–25) testifies that size of the
victim organization also affects men
differently than women. Females, although more approving of stealing,
showed the greatest proportional attitudinal difference against stealing
when SB is the victim: 67 per cent compared to a 54 per cent difference for
men.
2. Religiosity. Analysis of religiosity and Stealing Attitude Scores
indicates nominally religious respondents as more critical of stealing than
respondents not claiming religion. Examination of the most disapproving
category reveals no change in the proportionate difference of attitude from
GOV to SB. However, non-religious respondents were least disapproving of
stealing from LB. Comparison between low disapproval and high disapproval
scores for religious and non-religious respondents, using LB as the base
for non-religious subjects in this instance, indicates that nonreligious
interviewees show the greatest proportional difference: 81 per cent as
against 56 per cent for religious respondents.
3. Veterans. Although male veterans of World War II were more approving
of stealing than were male non-veterans, veterans were more affected by
size of the victim organization. Comparison of differences between GOV
scores and SB scores shows that veterans differed 86 per cent; non-veterans
only 47 per cent.
Note has been taken that: (1) Nearly all respondents disapproved of the
stealing behavior outlined in the situational questions, regardless of size
of the victim organization. (2) Intensity of disapproval varied with size
of the organization. Respondents were more disapproving of stealing from SB
than from LB or GOV.
TABLE 2
DIFFERENCES IN ATTITUDES OF RESPONDENTS FROM TWO SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVELS:
PERCENTAGES WHO STRONGLY DISAPPROVE OF STEALING
(3) Further variations in attitudes were related to other social
elements such as SES, sex, religiosity and group membership. (4) Additional
differences in attitudes as affected by organizational size were observed
within each of these social units. (5) The influence on stealing attitudes
of any one background classification seems to depend on its relationship to
one or more classifications.
FORCED CHOICE STEALING PREFERENCE
To arrive at the basis for these differences in attitudes, each
respondent was asked to choose the type of organization from which he would
rather steal if in need and he felt he had no other choice. Interviewees
were then requested to explain their preference. In general respondents
remained faithful to their strong disapproval of stealing from SB. However,
the forced stealing question produced an altered order of stealing
approval: LB now became the preferred first choice, then GOV and finally
SB. The forced stealing choice reveals more than a change in order;
of greater significance is the large number who preferred to steal from
LB rather than from GOV as compared to the negligible difference in
approval between LB and GOV when the situational questions were employed.
Now 102 respondents preferred to steal from LB; 53 from GOV; and 10 from
SB. Of the remaining subjects nine did not distinguish between LB and GOV,
five did not differentiate at all, thirty refused to steal under any
condition, and three would not answer the question.
Respondents who made a stealing choice used two basic lines of reasoning
to explain their preference—these involved consideration of the principles
of least evil and/or least risk. The majority had registered their
disapproval of stealing when they answered the situational questions. The
selection question forced them to make a stealing preference for
themselves. This placed them in a situation many found objectionable. To
modify this position, most respondents decided from which organization
stealing was the lesser evil before choosing their victim.
The second major line of reasoning involved the principle of least risk.
The possibility of being caught and punished for theft seems to have a
strong influence on stealing preference. However, this reasoning often runs
counter to the first. Respondents who conceive of the problem in terms of
both concepts and who cannot integrate them must weigh and evaluate the
principle of lesser evil against the principle of least risk. Although
these themes run through most of the reasons advanced by respondents for
their stealing, different categories of interviewees see these ideas in
different ways. An analysis of these various categories of stealing
preference and reasons advanced for stealing choice in its relationship to
size of the victim organization follows.
SB as the Preferred Victim
Of the 212 respondents, only eight men and two women preferred to steal
from SB. Their mean scores for the situational questions are slightly lower
than those of subjects in other categories, and they show a greater
predisposition toward cheating SB than do other respondents. This is the
only category where the mean score for SB is not the most disapproving
score. The order of mean scores from the most disapproving to least
disapproving for these individuals is: LB 20.0, SB 19.5 and GOV 18.6 (the
most disapproving score for each classification is 25).
Their reasons for choosing SB as the potential victim were relatively
simple and direct. Selection was made mainly on the principle of the least
risk. Even if caught, these respondents felt that the small business man,
who was on personal terms with his customers, would be more lenient than
the managers of LB or GOV. A woman respondent put it: "The small
businessman would be more human; he would give you a break. Big businessmen
are cold-blooded and the government of course, might catch you."
The risk factor seemed to operate as a deterrent for these respondents.
They did not feel more justified in cheating SB as against the other
organizations, but they perceived the situation as involving the least
risk. Only one respondent felt morally justified in stealing from SB. Most
were afraid of the consequences of stealing from large scale organizations.
Government especially inspired the fear of being caught and sentenced. The
replies indicate that were it not for the fear of punishment, these
individuals might have preferred to steal from the larger organizations.
Their use of the principle of least risk seems to run counter to the
original hypothesis which implies that the respondents would be more kindly
disposed toward personal small business than toward impersonal large
business. However, the findings
revealed that though the personal element is recognized, it is evaluated
in conjunction with fear of discovery and punishment. For these
respondents the principle of least risk seems to have more importance for
their decisions on stealing than the principle of least evil.
LB as the Preferred Victim
One hundred and two members of the sample preferred to steal from LB.
The overwhelming popularity of this type of organization reverses the
disapproval order elicited by the situational questions. The mean scores
for these questions indicated only minor attitudinal differences,
especially between GOV and LB: 20.8 for SB, 19.6 for LB and 19.4 for
GOV.
The forces making for favorable attitudes toward stealing from large
scale business seem more complex than those involved in creating similar
attitudes toward small business. Many reasons for and against stealing from
LB were offered. Some involved conflicts of values which were difficult to
resolve. Most respondents based their choice of LB as the victim on the
principle of lesser evil, feeling that stealing from big business was not
as bad as stealing from small business because LB was impersonal, powerful
and ruthless.
While few respondents specifically mentioned the term "impersonal," they
often implied it: "They’re corporations." "Big business deals with you at
arm’s length; you can deal with it in the same way." For some, bigness and
impersonality bred resentment and distrust. Two grounds were offered for
this feeling; one concerned weakness generally associated with bureaucracy,
the other the notion that big business is ruthless. Reasons advanced under
the first classification claimed that LB wasted time, space, and energy.
Second category reasons were more varied, for example: "I’m more callous
toward big business because they’re more ruthless." "After all they cheat
you." "Why don’t they pay a living wage?"
Many regarded big business profits as excessive and this belief was used
by some as a basis for their resentment. Examples are numerous: "They have
the highest margin of profits and can afford the loss better; besides they
allow for it." "Big business has tremendous capital, a part of which
they’ve cheated from me." Distrust and resentment of big business led 21
per cent of the individuals who would rather
TABLE 3
PRIMARY REASONS FOR PREFERRING TO STEAL FROM LARGE BUSINESS
steal from LB to apply the "eye for an eye" principle in making their
decision. They believed that big business robbed them either by outright
theft, or by charging exorbitant prices. In either event, this "behavior"
on the part of LB provided justification for those who chose to steal from
LB since they considered this decision the lesser evil. Another 68 per cent
legitimated their preference for victimizing LB on a "Robin Hood"
philosophy. For them robbing the rich to give to the poor—in this instance
themselves—was a lesser evil.
Some preferences appeared based mainly on the principle of least risk.
In all, seven per cent believed that LB provided more opportunity for theft
with less chance of discovery or punishment. The anonymity of big business
is believed to offer greater opportunity for stealing from LB rather than
SB. The choice between the two large scale organizations was made in favor
of LB as the victim because of the respondents’ greater fear of government.
As one man expressed it: "There is no sense stealing from the government
because the FBI is smarter than the police."
Grounds for stealing preference, even in the abstract, have been
presented as if they were mutually exclusive, as if there were not a
multiplicity of reasons which had to be considered and weighed before
decision could be made. This is not so. The impersonality, the
inconsiderate materialism, the opportunity offered by the anonymity big
business provided were among the elements in favor of choosing LB. Many
individuals who extended these reasons also had "cause" for not preferring
LB, such as admiration for the big businessman, or intense dislike for
government, or the belief that the small businessman might be more lenient
if he caught them. Special difficulty arose when decision had to be made
between LB and GOV where both organizations were considered big and both
stand accused of bad bureaucratic practices.
Generally, however, grounds for preferring to steal from LB were related
to reasons for not stealing from SB. One combination of reasons reads: "A
man has to be very small to take from the little man. LB can afford it. If
you clip government, you just clip yourself and what’s more, you have a
good chance of being caught." Table 4 shows the relative frequency of these
reasons.
The data presented for this category again point out that while bigness
and its corollaries play important parts in affecting the decision to steal
from LB, these
TABLE 4
REASONS FOR NOT STEALING FROM GOVERNMENT AND SMALL BUSINESS, BY RESPONDENTS
WHO CHOSE LARGE BUSINESS AS THE VICTIM*
factors alone were often not sufficient to determine this choice. Many
other reasons were offered. The pro and con of the particular choice
appears to have been considered before final decision was made, and the
principles of lesser evil and least risk run through the majority of the
reasons proffered.
GOV as the Preferred Victim
Fifty-three members of the 212 sample chose to steal from government.
Their mean scores (20.9 for SB, 20.2 for LB, and 19.5 for GOV) for the
situational questions are slightly higher than those for respondents who
chose SB or LB. The mean scores demonstrate that members of this category
both preferred to steal from GOV and were less disapproving of others
stealing from government.
The task of choosing a victim appears less complicated for these
individuals than for those who preferred to steal from LB, but more
complicated than for those who elected to steal from SB. Fewer secondary
reasons for their choice were offered. Clear-cut primary reasons often
coincided with reasons for not stealing from either SB or LB. Intense
dislike for government also helped make for definite preferences.
TABLE 5
RESPONDENTS’ PRIMARY REASONS FOR PREFERRING TO STEAL FROM GOV
All of the reasons for stealing listed in Table 5 involve the theme of
lesser evil. Most of the 32 per cent who thought that government could best
afford the loss felt also that what they might take would not hurt it to
the extent that similar thefts would affect smaller organizations. This
notion is subscribed to by an additional eight per cent who believed that
stealing from GOV was the lesser evil because the loss was well
distributed. The choice was further justified on grounds that a great deal
of money was collected in taxes; some of this taxation, it was hinted, was
unnecessary. Many argued then, that GOV was big and wealthy and stated
their preference in terms of the "Robin Hood" principle.
Bureaucracy, which was equated to size and disfunctioning, was an
additional justification for the choice of GOV as the victim. Although this
type of criticism was leveled against LB, it was more frequently applied to
GOV. Such items as waste and red tape were not uncommon grounds for
stealing preference. Only 9 per cent of this category proferred this as
their primary reason, but many others mentioned bureaucratic inefficiencies
as a secondary reason. That bigness and its corollaries played a part in
determining this choice is seen in the following examples: "Government is
the bigger concern; it wouldn’t hurt government as bad as an individual or
smaller concern." "They waste anyhow; they throw away more than I would
take."
Though GOV is generally conceived of as larger than LB, the section of
Table 4 dealing with GOV indicates the importance of factors other than
size as a determinant of choice for some respondents. Concepts of
loyalty, patriotism and fear of government swayed many individuals to
select LB rather than GOV. Yet, size was still important for many of those
who chose to steal from government.
The bigness of GOV, however, does not account for all who elected it as
the victim. Lesser evil may be premised on factors other than bigness, and
the 13 per cent who were against the Democratic administration grounded
their judgment on this theme. Their feelings are reflected in such
statements as: "I’m anti-socialist." "It’s a God damned government
anyway—if it were O.K., I’d take from big business."
Another category felt that stealing from GOV was the lesser evil because
the respondents were part of the government and had contributed to its
support. They reasoned that stealing from GOV would be stealing from
themselves, and so less criminal. These individuals were among the most
difficult to force into a decision involving their possible stealing. Their
scores on the situational questions were among the most disapproving. They
selected GOV reluctantly and only because they felt this choice was the
least dishonest.
An additional 13 per cent whose scores on the situational questions were
also very disapproving, thought that it was government’s function to take
care of the needy. These individuals intimated that if government failed in
its duty, they were then more justified in stealing from it.
The following generalizations seem to be indicated: (1) While bigness
and impersonality played a part in determining the preference for GOV as
the victim, these elements do not seem as important for this category as
they did for LB. (2) Other factors with strong emotional
overtones—loyalty, patriotism, even anti-administration sentiment—appear
to affect the decisions of some of the respondents. (3) Making decisions
for this category seems easier than for those who chose LB, but not as easy
as for those who selected SB. (4) Enough reasons pro and con were advanced
so that the weighing process noted in the selection of LB was evident
once again. (5) Some of the same reasons for preferring to steal from LB
were again in evidence for those who selected GOV.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1 From , 1956,
21:320–327. By permission.
2 This finding is consistent with attitudes concerning "chiseling"
unemployment compensation from the government. However, this lesser
disapproval on the part of lower SES respondents probably does not justify
any conclusions about a greater morality on the part of the upper
classes.