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Public Papers of Jimmy Carter, 1980-1981
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Interview With the President Question-and-Answer Session With Amigo Levi of La Stampa and Sergio Telmon of RAI-TV. June 12, 1980
Q. Mr. President, you are going to Italy very soon. What are your aims, your expectations, visiting our country?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, first of all, I’m very excited about going to Italy because of the great reception and hospitality that has been extended to the members of my family who have been there, both on official visits and just visits to meet with friends.
Secondly, we will be having extensive discussions with the Italian leaders and with some of the representatives of the Italian private sector, to strengthen the bilateral relationships between our two countries and also to prepare for the conference in Venice involving seven international leaders.
Third is that we consider the relationship between our Nation and Italy to ’be extremely important to us and to world peace and to economic stability and to future progress. This will give me a chance to follow up on the meetings that I’ve had already this year with your Prime Minister Cossiga and also, of course, with your Foreign Minister, who was here just this week. And I look forward to paying my respects to President Pertini, who’s a close friend of my mother’s and whom I admire very much. And I’ll be visiting again with the Pope at the Vatican to discuss international matters and also matters of morality and the spirit.
Q. Mr. President, then it will be on to Venice, and Venice will be a summit meeting of the Western Alliance. I wonder if I can ask a question about the state of the Western Alliance as seen by you, by the White House?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. There have been in recent months quite a few misunderstandings—at least that’s what the papers have written—we sometimes get it wrong; sometimes we get it right. There have been complaints. We Europeans complain of not being consulted enough by America, not being listened to enough. Americans—sometimes we read they complain about being betrayed by their allies. Is that correct?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
Q. Do you feel that is the state of affairs, the state of the Alliance? Is that as bad as all that?
THE PRESIDENT. No. In my judgment, the Alliance is much stronger now than it has been in many years, perhaps even since the Alliance was first formed.
We’ve initiated in the last 3 years, a long-range defense program to revitalize the NATO Alliance. This will extend over 15 years. It’s a common commitment that all of us have made over very difficult obstacles. We’ve also pledged ourselves to strengthen the defense commitments in our nations. We’ve agreed among ourselves, again in a difficult way, to meet the growing Soviet threat, with their SS-20 missiles, with the theater nuclear force commitment. And in my judgment, we’ve got a very fine interrelationship among us in close consultation, not only on matters that relate to defense but also economic progress.
The attendance and the achievements in London in 1977, in Bonn in 1978, in Tokyo last year, and now this year in Venice, in my opinion help to bind us together in a very strong, structured fashion. We recognize that in a conference of democracies that there must be a recognition and an honoring of individuality, of national commitments and priorities. This is not a Warsaw Pact where there are dominant forces there from the Soviet Union; this is a matter of free exchange. Obviously, in a democracy an open discussion of issues quite often creates the impression of disharmony.
Q. It is just an impression, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT. I think just an impression as far as seriousness is concerned. We are extremely forceful in our own Nation in condemning and working to oppose the present and the future possibilities of Soviet aggression, exemplified in the invasion of Afghanistan. Some of the allies in Europe have not been quite so forceful as we in imposing sanctions against the Soviet Union and in moving to boycott the Olympics and so forth, but we recognize that there are reasons for them not to pattern their actions specifically after ours.
Q. What you mean is that you do not share the feeling which sometimes is voiced in America, that the allies are betraying America? You think that’s wrong?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I think the word betrayal is completely an erroneous word.
Q. Or not supporting enough?
THE PRESIDENT. Sometimes they don’t support us strongly enough, as judged from our perspective, but we recognize the difference that must exist between us. I’m sure sometimes some of our actions are not completely pleasing to our allies. But that’s inevitable in an alliance of free and independent nations who are democratic in nature and who don’t conceal differences with suppression of the press and suppression of free speech.
Obviously, we have nations that are attractive—there are no walls built around West Germany to keep people from escaping that nation. And if you look at the 4 million, roughly, refugees around the world, three-fourths of them are trying to escape from Soviet-inspired Communist domination. So the attractiveness of a free world is patently obvious, and the disharmonies that exist within a free world are because we believe in free speech and the importance of individuals.
Q. So that will not be one subject for discussions in Venice? You will not bediscussing improvements in methods of consultation—
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I think we will.
Q. You will?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. We don’t claim that the Alliance is perfect, and we also probe for ways to strengthen the Alliance and to create more harmony and better consultation. But one of the reasons for that commitment is my visit to Rome and also the subsequent meeting of the Alliance leaders, some of them in Venice.
Q. The Middle East, Mr. President
THE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. The European Community is considering an initiative and, on the other hand, the United States is trying to get together again the Israelis and the Egyptians. What do you think at this point the situation will be?
THE PRESIDENT. It’s important, very quickly, to look at this Mideast effort in perspective. Two years ago, it was inconceivable that Israel and Egypt would be sitting down together working on ways to alleviate tensions between them, with open borders and diplomatic recognition, exchange of ambassadors, tourism, trade being established.
The Camp David accords have brought that progress into being. Both Israel and Egypt will be meeting with us shortly, here in Washington, to resume the talks. The Camp David accords outline a way to resolve the Palestinian issue, to give the Palestinians a voice in the determination of their own future, to resolve the Palestinian question in all of its aspects.
These phrases that I’ve just quoted to you have been approved specifically not only by myself and President Sadat but also by Prime Minister Begin and, subsequently, ratified by the Israeli Knesset.
So, we have a basis here for progress. It is obvious to everyone that the relationship between Israel and her neighbors is crucial to the stability and the maintenance of peace in the Mideast. And this Camp David process is the only one in the last 30 years that has made any progress in guaranteeing to the Palestinians the realization of their own rights.
So, I’m committed to the Camp David process. If the European nations—the Community wants to take actions that are constructive, we will welcome this. But to subvert or to cancel or to bypass the Camp David process, we believe, would be a very serious mistake.
Q. Do you really hope in a breakthrough at this time?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. We’ve had them before. When we went to Camp David there was no prospect then of an assured success, but almost miraculously, the Egyptians and the Israelis reached an agreement on basic principles, under which we are presently working. And later, when I went to the Mideast, it was to salvage what seemed to be a hopeless breakdown in their relationships, and from that came the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt with the return of the Sinai to Egypt and the establishment of these good relationships.
Now we do face difficulties and I can’t guarantee success, but I guarantee that we will continue to work for success with the best possible avenue being the use of and the building upon the Camp David accords.
Q. Will you personally be involved again in it?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I am personally involved almost on a daily basis in directing the Secretary of State and our negotiators and in dealing directly with thePrime Minister of Israel and the President of Egypt. And I’ll be meeting with other leaders from time to time. We have a good correspondence with the Saudis, for instance, who have a beneficial influence on occasion. The King of Jordan will be here to meet with me for 2 days prior to the time that I come to Italy.
So, we are exploring every possible avenue of success in the Mideast and trying to provide stability there while the nations involved search for peace.
Q. Do you expect a meeting with Sadat and Begin?
THE PRESIDENT. Not any time soon, but they are always willing and eager to join me in discussions when it’s necessary to meet at that highest level.
Q. Relations with the Soviet Union-1 year ago, 12 months ago, in Vienna, you met Chairman Brezhnev and restated the principles of detente. There is a general feeling that detente in the meantime is more or less over—rightly or wrongly, I do not know. That’s what most people say. They feel there is a new cold war fear and an unlimited arms race, and some people fear war. Do you still believe in detente? Do you still believe there will be peace in the nuclear age? And what are you planning to do—I mean, to improve the sort of relation with the Soviet Union—these two superpowers having such a heavy responsibility for maintaining peace in the world? Are you planning some initiative?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, there is still detente. We are still at peace. We have a continuing, deep commitment to the control of nuclear weapons. The SALT process is still a viable process which we will continue to pursue. The problem is that the Soviets have interrupted the arms control process and also have damaged the progress in detente by their unwarranted and vicious invasion of a peace-loving nation, of Afghanistan.
The Soviets have made a serious mistake. One hundred and four members of the United Nations have condemned the Soviet Union’s aggression and have demanded that the Soviets withdraw. The Afghan people, heroically, are still fighting for their own freedom against the Soviet invading forces. And we believe that when and if the Soviets do make any contribution toward the restoration of international stability by withdrawing their forces, that we can continue to make good progress on arms control and on the enhancement of detente.
There will always be a relationship of competition between the Western World and the Soviet-dominated or influenced nations, but there’ll also be a commitment on our part for maximum cooperation in building on detente, on controlling nuclear weapons, and in cooperation with the Soviet Union every time they are willing to join with us in the maintenance of peace.
Q. We will see a new embrace between President Carter and Chairman Brezhnev as we saw in Vienna?
THE PRESIDENT. That’s up to the Soviet Union. I would welcome nothing more than peace and harmony between us, as leaders, and between our nations. I am convinced that the Soviet people do not support the war-like activities which the Soviets have demonstrated in their invasion of Afghanistan, and I’m convinced the Soviet people do not support the war by surrogates which the Soviets are encouraging through the use of Vietnam forces in Kampuchea, and also the Cuban forces in several places in Africa.
Q. Mr. President, I know that your most important preoccupation is the release of the hostages from Iran.
THE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. Is there any new strategy you’re working on?
THE PRESIDENT. No, we have tried, in every way since the hostages were taken, to protect the lives and the safety of the hostages and also to protect the principles of our Nation and to secure the hostages’ release. We’ve explored in every way, direct relationships with the Iranian Government officials and others.
Now, I think the best avenue is through a multitude of diplomatic and economic efforts, being made through the United Nations and through other countries, to convince the Iranians that it is counterproductive for them to continue to hold these innocent people. This is an act of international terrorism, and it is condoned and supported by the official Government of Iran. And for other nations like Italy and the Europeans allies, Japan, and others, to join in with us to convince the Iranians that they are making a mistake and that the bringing of Iran back in to an acceptable position with other nations of the Earth, with an end to this act of terrorism, is very important.
That’s why we consider a peaceful approach to Iran, but with some economic sanctions being imposed to encourage them to act is important. In the meantime, we are pursuing every avenue-through religious leaders, through private citizens, through the United Nations, and through other governments—to induce Iran to release the hostages so that normal relationships can be restored.
Q. Are military measures being excluded for the time being, or just being excluded full stop?
THE PRESIDENT. Military measures are not being considered.
Q. Are not being considered?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
Q. Mr. President, this is none of my business, but do you plan to attend the economic summit of ’81?
THE PRESIDENT. [Laughing] Yes, I do intend to be there.
Q. You don’t expect there’s some Brutus waiting for you at the Ides of August? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I’ve faced formidable political challenges in the past and have prevailed. My belief is that the Democratic Party is by far the most popular organization in our Nation, that the principles of our party are acceptable to the American people. I expect to be the nominee of our party, and in November I expect to win the election, and in 1981 I expect to be at the economic summit.
Q. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT. Thank you very much. I enjoyed it. It’s a pleasure.
NOTE: The interview, taped for later broadcast in Italy, began at 11:30 a.m. in the Map Room at the White House.
The transcript of the interview was released on June 13.
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