Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887

Date: 1887

Military History


Capture of the Peiho Forts and Pekin—1858–60.

THE empire of China claims an antiquity of about five thousand years, but for the first thousand years of this period its history is of a mythical character. According to its chronology, one of its early rulers is said to have reigned one hundred and fourteen years, and another is credited with the conduct of affairs for one hundred and forty years, during which he introduced medical science and agriculture. Through many dynasties China was troubled with external and internal wars, chiefly the latter, but in all ages down to the present she maintained her seclusion from the rest of the world. In the seventeenth century, the Dutch and other European nations endeavored to gain admission to the country, but their efforts were successfully resisted, though they were allowed to trade under numerous restrictions in the waters near Canton. England, Russia, and other countries sent embassies at different times, the East India Company had a trading concession, but all attempts at official and commercial intercourse were practically unsuccessful. About 1834 began the opium dispute, which led to troubles between England and China. These troubles grew into wars, which resulted unfavorably to the Chinese, and led to the opening of various ports, not only for commercial purposes, but for the permanent residence of foreign merchants.

By the treaty of Nankin in 1843, China was to pay to

England an indemnity of $21,000,000 for the cost of the war; five ports were thrown open for commerce and residence; Hong Kong became British soil; and there was to be lasting peace and friendship between the two empires. The peace lasted until 1856, when the seizure of the opium smuggler Arrow, by the Chinese, led to disputes, and the disputes into another war which lasted for nearly two years. It ended in the capture of Canton early in 1858, and the capture of the Peiho forts a few months later, and a treaty of peace signed at Tien-Tsin, by Lord Elgin on the part of England, and Baron Gros on that of France, Commissioner Keying acting for the Emperor of China. By this treaty Pekin was to be open to foreign ambassadors, there should be freedom of trade throughout the empire under certain restrictions connected with the customs duties, Christianity was to be tolerated, the expense of the war to be paid by China, the tariff to be revised, and the term "barbarian" not to be applied any longer to Europeans.

As this treaty formed the practical opening to the rest of the world of the great empire that had been secluded for fifty centuries, the capture of the Peiho forts, which led to the treaty of Tien-Tsin, is worthy of a place among the decisive battles of the century. The account of this event is derived from the journals of Mr. Oliphant, the private secretary of Lord Elgin, and subsequently the historian of the embassy.

On his way northward from Canton Lord Elgin stopped at Shanghai, where he sought to meet the governor of that city, and asked that a letter be forwarded to the imperial government at Pekin. The governor received him outside the town of Soochow, near Shanghai. That high official took the letter, which he read in the street, surrounded by a crowd of people, who looked over his shoulders and perused the document at the same time. After the reading was ended, the governor politely asked the



British ambassador to leave the town immediately, and also to prevent any members of his party from walking through the streets. In due course of time a reply came to the letter. It was from Prime-Minister Yuh, signed by the Vermilion Pencil (Emperor). The substance of the reply was, that in the first place the British ambassador should go straight back to Canton, as that was the only point from which negotiations could be received. This was not the kind of reply Lord Elgin had desired. He did not wish to use force in getting near the imperial throne, but could see no other way out of the difficulty. Accordingly he determined to pass the forts at the mouth of the Peiho River, then advance to Tien-Tsin, and make another effort to communicate with the imperial government. The representatives of the other powers supported him in this design, particularly the Russian minister, Count Poutiatine, who thought that even this measure would fail, and that nothing short of a powerful naval and military force could break through the obstinacy of the emperor and those who surrounded him.

Light-draught boats were ordered up and the fleet proceeded through the Yellow Sea to the mouth of the Peiho. As they entered the Gulf of Pechele, they encountered strong gales, which turned that body of water into a substance resembling boiling pea-soup. Occasionally the cold gales from the northeast suddenly ceased and were followed with hot blasts filled with impalpable sand from the great desert of Gobi. Ten fathoms was found to be the average depth of the Gulf of Pechele. As the fleet neared the coast the water shoaled, and suddenly the leadsmen announced only four fathoms. Immediately the ships were brought to anchor.

The position of the fleet was nearly in front of the entrance of Peiho, "The River of the North." A bar extends into the gulf at least a mile from the mouth of the river. This bar has eleven feet of water upon it at high tide; at half tide it protrudes in some places, and in its shallowest places is not over two feet deep. The bottom is smooth and hard, and appears to be quite level. The channel of the river is marked by stakes, from which the fishermen hang bunches of nets. The French, Russian, and American ships anchored close in with the British fleet, and the question arose whether the forts would permit the passage of the Peiho or make an attack necessary. Upon a general consultation, it was decided to send another letter to the Chinese prime-minister, telling him that four plenipotentiaries had arrived at the mouth of the Peiho and desired a meeting at Takoo, either on land or on shipboard. It was further stated that they would allow six days for an answer, and if no answer came within that time, they would regard themselves at liberty to take whatever action they pleased. Takoo was named as a place of meeting rather than Tien-Tsin because it was more convenient, not being so far inland.

The four plenipotentiaries embarked in a small boat towed by a steamer, which carried them across the bar. This was the first time that the Northern Chinese had ever seen the "outside barbarians" advancing up their river. Long lines of people stood on the low banks of the river, manifesting no apparent emotion, and evidently actuated only by curiosity. As the steamer and the boat in tow advanced up the river, they met a junk bearing a mandarin of the rank of the Transparent Blue Button. He ordered the boat to return immediately, but promised to be responsible for the safe transport and delivery of the letter. The interview with the mandarin enabled the officers on the steamer to obtain a good view of the forts. As near as they could discover, there were about fifty pieces of cannon posted along the banks of the river, most of them of iron, the rest of brass, and some of a very great calibre. On the left bank of the river the forts seemed to be nothing but heaps of mud. They had ramparts only on the river side, their rear being quite unprotected, and therefore open to assault from that direction. All the forts were covered with banners, these banners being of a triangular shape with serrated edges, and white spots on a blue or yellow ground. As a result of the reconnoitring, it was found that there were three forts on the south bank and two on the north, connected by a line of mud batteries, and in many instances half buried beneath the flags that waved over the parapets and embrasures. The foreign fleet which lay outside the mouth of the river included thirty vessels as follows:

The answer to the letter was duly received and was quite in the vein that had been expected. Tan, the High Commissioner, evidently intended to negotiate without full powers to do so. Then the plenipotentiaries sent an ultimatum demanding that a commissioner with full powers should be sent, and positively stating that no others would be received. The limit of time for their reception was fixed for May 19th, and in case the Chinese



should decline the British offer of occupying the forts temporarily, force would be employed to take possession of them. To this letter no reply was received, and accordingly the ships made ready to act.

At ten o’clock in the forenoon of May 20th, the signal was displayed for the ships to move into position. The Cormorant, Mitraille and Fusee had been assigned to assail the two forts on the northern bank, while the Nimrod, Avalanche, and Dragonne were to attack the three forts on the southern bank and their connecting line of mud batteries. The scene just before the signal of attack was hoisted, was an animated one. The Cormorant was the ship farthest in advance up the river, where she lay impatiently letting off little puffs of steam as she stood in readiness to dash through the bamboo barrier, which the Chinese had stretched across the river, and face the line of fire of the forts to which she would be exposed before reaching her position. The Nimrod was close behind the Cormorant, with her decks clear for action, all the men at their posts and every thing ready for active work. The English and French gunboats were at some distance behind the Nimrod, and their decks were crowded with men.

Hardly had the signal flag touched the truck of the Slaney before the engines of the Cormorant were in motion and she started off to her destination, her men lying flat on the deck and only her commander and two or three officers visible. Scarcely was she under way before there was a puff of smoke at one of the ports and a round shot came whistling close to the steamer. This shot was followed by another and another, and in a few moments all three of the southern forts were firing at her with all their guns. The Cormorant did not reply. Suddenly there was a shock; the course of the vessel was partially stopped, then she went on ahead again and, with a little struggle, broke the barrier, which consisted of five seveninch cables of bamboo that were buoyed from one side of the river to the other. There was nothing now to prevent her going into position. She fired a single gun at the batteries on the south bank, evidently desiring to recognize the courtesy they had shown her, and then concentrated the force of her batteries on the northern forts, which she completely silenced in less than twenty minutes. Just as she had finished her work, two other French boats came up to assist her, but their help was not needed.

In the meanwhile, the Nimrod had followed close after the Cormorant, and opened a furious fire on the forts on the southern bank. Owing to her position she began her work before the Cormorant reached the duty assigned to her, and the Nimrod no doubt saved the Cormorant from several shots by drawing them in her own direction. For fully fifteen minutes these two steamers were engaging all the forts on the southern bank without any assistance. Very soon however, the four French gunboats came up, two of them instructed to support the Cormorant and the other two the Dragonne and the Avalanche. They were considerably hindered by the strong tide which was then running and by the sinuosities of the channel. The power of these boats was not sufficient for such work and they were decidedly clumsy in their movements, but as soon as they were in position they fired away very accurately at the forts. For fully an hour the Chinese retained their positions at their guns, better than the English officers had expected they would. Though not deficient in bravery, they were not skilled in artillery practice, as nearly all their shots passed high above the assailing ships. The French boats lost four officers killed and two men, probably due to the fact that the officers on the bridge or poop of the boat were more exposed than the men. The practice of the Chinese gunners does not make it easy to silence a battery. It is their habit after discharging a gun to retire into a bomb proof and await the enemy’s return shot; when this is given, they wait a few moments, then creep out as stealthily as possible, load and fire the gun without exposing themselves, and then run back to the bomb proofs. Of course, artillery practice of this kind is very slow, but as the Peiho batteries had nearly one hundred and fifty guns in position, they could do a good deal of shooting when taken in the aggregate.

About an hour before noon the admirals, followed by their gunboats, advanced up the river. The Chinese gave them a liberal number of shots on the way; but very few struck the vessels. The attention of the forts was drawn toward the fleet scattered along the river, and the garrison seemed totally unaware that the storming parties were landing just above the line of forts, partially concealed by the gunboats and smaller craft grouped together. They were not aware that it was the custom of European soldiers to take batteries by assault, but supposed that a battery was to be fired upon only on its front, where it was best prepared to resist attack. To all appearances they were completely surprised at the manœuvre of the outside barbarians, and as the distance was very small, the men were inside the forts in a very short time. As the leaders of the storming party sprang into the battery there seemed to be a panic among all the defenders, and a wild rush for safety followed immediately. The storming parties chased the fleeing Chinese; but the latter were too swift for them; terror added wings to their flight, and in a few minutes not a Chinese soldier was to be seen. Occasionally some of them halted as if to show fight, but the gleam of the English sabres made their hearts sink, and they renewed their flight with greater precipitation than before.

Less than fifteen minutes after the first sailors and marines landed, the whole garrison of the forts was dispersed. Their loss was not very great; they fled so quickly that there was little chance to harm any of them.

Once inside the batteries the officers perceived how completely the whole garrison might have been taken in a trap, from which not a single man could have escaped. If a reasonable force had been sent around to the village of Takoo, the forts would have been completely under the control of the invaders. A little farther away there were two entrenched camps, defended by some guns in position, and also by a small force of cavalry. These camps were flanked by the storming party, and their occupants were immediately seized with the same panic that had caused the garrison to flee so hastily. The artillery found in the camps included four brass cannon (68-pounders), ten or twelve iron guns, and some twenty-five 6-pounder light guns. Each battery was served and supported by not less than 1,000 men. There were many tents and a good deal of camp equipage inside the entrenchment; but there was not much that was worth carrying away.

The Chinese government has a summary way of dealing with its representatives who do not succeed in the work assigned to them. This was the fate of the unfortunate Tan, the Imperial Commissioner, who had been instructed to drive out the barbarians and send them to their homes, or, at least, to Canton. A few days later the Pekin Gazette announced in the following terms the punishment of this unfortunate official:

"Whereas, Tan-Ting-Siang, already degraded from the office of Governor-General of Chih-Li, has been found not guilty of cowardice and desertion, but in that his operations were without plan or resource, his offence is not the less without excuse. Let him be banished to the frontier (confines of Siberia), there to redeem his guilt by his exertions."

The 21st of May was devoted to resting the men and to an inspection of the Chinese works and the villages near them. On the 22d the fleet moved up the river, the allied admirals taking the lead and the plenipotentiaries remaining behind in consequence of Lord Elgin’s fear that the presence of the diplomats might complicate matters in case the admirals were obliged to use force in reaching Tien-Tsin. The river was crowded with junks, and the steamers had some difficulty in forcing their way through this floating barrier, but they managed to do so without accident. After a few miles, a line of junks was found stretching across the river and forming a regular barrier which it did not take long to remove. Other barriers of the same sort were encountered, and small groups of cavalry came down to observe the strange vessels propelled by steam, which for the first time were making the ascent of the Peiho. When fired upon the cavalry invariably scampered away; no forts were visible on this part of the river, and the people did not seem inclined to show any hostility.

On learning of the arrival of the allied fleet at Tien-Tsin the Pekin government at once determined to send ambassadors to treat for peace, and on the 29th May the plenipotentiaries, French and English, started from Takoo to Tien-Tsin where they were to meet the Chinese representative. The negotiations consumed a month, the Chinese using every artifice to secure delay and modify the condition which the foreigners were forcing upon them, while the latter, knowing their strength, were disinclined to recede from their demands. The Chinese commissioner, Keying, said that the foreigners were holding a knife at the throat of China and compelling her to do something that was totally foreign to her wishes. While the ambassadors would not admit the truth of this assertion, they could hardly deny the fact except in a diplomatic sense. Lord Elgin’s diary shows that his private opinion on this subject was materially different from the one he professed in public. Personally he had a great deal of sympathy for the Chinese, but officially he could do nothing else than carry out the orders of his sovereign.



After the signing of the treaty the allies left Tien-Tsin and proceeded down the river, greatly to the delight of the imperial government, who feared that the ambassadors would demand permission to visit Pekin and have a personal audience with the emperor. The ratification of the treaty was delayed on various pretexts, and in a general way matters did not run smoothly. In June, 1859, Mr. Bruce, the British envoy, was stopped in the Peiho River while on his way to Pekin. Admiral Hope attempted to force a passage, but was repulsed with a loss of 81 killed and about 400 wounded. The emperor had decided to repudiate the treaty made with Lord Elgin the previous year, and the forts had been put in a stronger condition than ever before.

Mr. Bruce proceeded to Shanghai and waited instructions; the French minister did likewise, but the American representative went to Pekin by a route indicated by the Chinese commissioners; his reception was unsatisfactory, as he refused to prostrate himself before the emperor, and was therefore denied the privilege of seeing his Majesty. Matters assumed a warlike phase; the British and French ministers were instructed by their governments to demand an apology for the occurrences at the mouth of the Peiho, to receive any friendly messages in a conciliatory spirit, to decline any ceremonial unless it recognized the equality of the governments, and to further inform the Chinese government that force would be used if necessary to secure acceptance of the terms proposed.

The ultimata of the two governments were delivered to the Chinese government in March, 1860, and in the following month a reply was received definitely refusing the demands of the English and French. Diplomacy having exhausted itself nothing remained, but force. Lord Elgin and Baron Gros arrived at Shanghai in June; a military and naval force was formed for the purpose of moving on Pekin, and by the end of July every thing was ready. On the first day of August a land force of five thousand men was landed at the mouth of the Pehtang, a small stream which reaches the sea about ten miles north of the mouth of the Peiho. The forts of the latter river had been greatly strengthened in the expectation that the foreigners would seek an entrance by the river as in 1858 and 1859. Pehtang was found to be deserted, and consequently the troops landed without opposition. Reinforcements arrived steadily until the combined strength of the allies exceeded 20,000 men.

Three weeks were consumed in getting ashore all the material of war, provisions, etc., and making every thing ready for an advance into the interior. The forts of the Peiho were taken in the rear with but little opposition, and Tien-Tsin was occupied on the 24th, under similar circumstances. The Chinese were greatly surprised at the failure of the allies to walk into the trap that had been set for them, and some of their generals suggested that they had not been fairly treated.

As soon as the allies were fairly in Tien-Tsin, the Chinese showed a disposition to negotiate. Commissioners appeared from Pekin and said they had full power to make terms of peace; negotiations began and a treaty was drawn, but when it was nearly ready for signatures the commissioners said they could not stipulate that it would be carried out unless it was ratified before signing. This very unusual proceeding convinced the English and French ambassadors that the Chinese were insincere in their pretensions and only seeking to gain time. Accordingly the order was given to march on Pekin, and very speedily the army was in motion. Small bodies of Tartar cavalry harassed the troops at various times, but practically there was little opposition and only trifling loss of life or blood. While the army was in motion, new proposals came from Pekin, and it was finally agreed that the army should halt at Tungchow, twelve miles from the capital, and there wait the arrival of commissioners who should have full power to negotiate without hindrance.

To make arrangements for the reception of the ambassadors at Tungchow, gain a camping-place, and negotiate for provisions, the British consul, Mr. Parkes, (afterwards Sir Harry Parkes), with 23 others, went forward on the 21st of September, under a flag of truce, but soon after they had passed the British lines they were seized as prisoners, thrown into a filthy prison, and afterwards carrried in cages to Pekin, where they were shown to the populace by whom they were treated with the greatest indignity. Two of the party, Captain Brabazon and Abbé De Luc were beheaded and their bodies were thrown into the canal; eleven others were either killed or died from the effects of the treatment they received. Those who survived were frequently at the point of death by starvation or cruelty, and none of them ever expected to see their friends again.

In consequence of the treacherous seizure of Mr. Parkes and his party, the allies marched directly upon Pekin; they were resisted by the Chinese, and the resistance followed so closely upon the violation of the flag of truce as to leave no room for doubt of the faithlessness of the Pekin government. A battle ensued in which the Chinese were completely routed, and then came another proposal to halt to which no attention was given.

On Friday, October 5th, the English forces arrived at the brick kilns, about three miles from the northeast corner of the walls of Pekin, and there went into camp. At daybreak, on the morning of the 6th, the advance was renewed. Information had reached Sir Hope Grant, the commander, that a large Tartar army was encamped near the city, and had a strong defensive position quite close to the walls. Sir Hope consequently made a sweep to the right, thus moving towards the city from the north, in order to flank any works which might be in that locality.

Although the precaution was an excellent one, it turnd out that there was no occasion for it.

After a march of not far from two miles, the army came to a halt in a level plain which was quite open—in fact, more so than the rest of the region round about, on which there are many clumps and clusters of trees. Looking out for the tallest brick kiln, the general climbed it, in order to ascertain the character of the plain, and possibly get a sight of the Tartar army, which had not yet made its appearance, not even by a skirmishing line. The French army was on the left of the rear of the English, while the cavalry, with the single exception of a squadron of Dragoon Guards, was on the right flank. The roads were narrow and quite deeply sunken. They were fairly passable for cavalry and infantry, but abominable for any thing with wheels. Had the Chinese chosen to oppose the advance, they could have given a great deal of trouble. The sunken character of the roads would have made it very difficult for troops to manœuvre, and furthermore, the numerous clumps of trees and the thick brushwood would have furnished concealment for skirmishers, even had they been armed with nothing better than the Chinese match-locks. A careful watch was kept, and occasionally it was whispered along the line that the Chinese were drawn up in front, and a battle was near at hand. After a time the rumor proved to be correct, as a line of Tartar troops really appeared in front of the advancing column. The 60th Rifles were deployed into a skirmishing line in the hope of outflanking the Tartars, but the deployment had not been completed before the brave defenders of their country disappeared as though they had melted into thin air.

During the time the English were advancing upon the city the French were at the famous summer palace, Yuen-Min-Yuen, about six miles away, which they reached by a flanking movement in the rear of the English. The latter continued their advance towards the city, while the

French were making themselves at home in the summer palace. The English came in sight of Pekin when not more than a half a mile from it. A long street shaded by trees led from the suburb directly to one of the gates. At the entrance to the long street there was a large Buddhist temple, and around it was a strong wall at least twelve feet high, and easily capable of defence. The gates were closed and barred on the inside. No one appeared to open them; but a beam of timber was brought forward and used as a battering-ram until the bars gave way. There was no opposition to the entrance of the English. Not a single Chinese soldier was in sight. Lord Elgin, and his staff, and Sir Hope Grant, also accompanied by his staff, made this gate their head-quarters. The artillery head-quarters were outside of the gate, and the artillery was parked close up in order to be in readiness on short notice when it was wanted. General Grant changed his head-quarters into a temple near by, leaving Lord Elgin and his staff in sole possession of the gate. The "Queen’s Own" regiment was ordered to a position half way to the city gate, on the right of the street, and close to Sir Robert Napier. The Fifteenth Punjaubee was a little farther forward on the same street, and the Eighth held the position of rear guard.

Preparations were made for an assault upon Pekin in case it should be necessary to make one, in order to obtain possession of the gate which had been demanded. On the left front of the allied position there was a broad open plain, about a mile and a half square, which was ordinarily used as a parade ground for the Tartar army. Looking towards the city on the right this plain was bordered by a broad road which led to the North or Anting Gate. This was the gate of which the allies demanded possession. Farther on, and to the left of the suburb, was the magnificent Temple of the Earth, surrounded by a strong wall eighteen feet high, which embraced an enclosure fully a quarter of a mile square. The siege guns were immediately brought up to this temple. This place was about three hundred yards from the great wall of the city, an admirable position for making a breach in case of necessity. Work was pushed as rapidly as possible, and the battery was completed in a few days. When every thing was ready a proclamation was issued, in which the allies threatened to shell the city unless the Chinese surrendered the Anting Gate within twenty-four hours. According to their custom, when the pressure is so great that resistance is no longer possible, the Chinese surrendered. The proclamation was issued on the 12th of November, and on the 13th the gate was given up, and the British colors were hoisted above it.

While the English were securing the northern gate of the city and preparing for an assault, the French were in possession of the summer palace of Yuen-Min-Yuen, about six miles from Pekin. Mr. Parkes and some of his companions were restored to the British on the 6th October, under the impression that their return would induce the hostile forces to retire, at least to Tungchow. The ambassadors decided that the destruction of the summer palace, while it would do little harm to the people, would be a severe blow to the emperor and government, and that nothing else they could do would be so effectual in humbling Chinese pride. Accordingly the order was given, and on the 18th October the palace, with all its vast series of outbuildings, was destroyed by fire, after being thoroughly looted by the French and English soldiers. The French had by far the best of the looting, as they were at the palace for several days before the English joined them. The destruction of the palace has been severely criticised; but there is certainly excellent foundation for the argument of the ambassadors. The Chinese were directly informed that the destruction was in retaliation for the murder of the prisoners who had been so treacherously taken while under a flag of truce. The bodies of two of these victims of treachery, Mr. De Norman and Mr. Bowlby, were buried with solemn services in the Russian cemetery at Pekin on the day before the destruction of Yuen-Min-Yuen.

Before the capture of the city the emperor fled to Mongolia, and left his brother, Prince Kung, to make terms with the invaders. The prince was very reluctant to accept the terms offered by the ambassadors, and only yielded when they threatened to destroy the city. One gate was placed in the possession of the English, and another in the hands of the French, and the prince was plainly told that he must come to a decision at once. Under this pressure he ratified the treaty of Tien-Tsin, which had been extorted two years before at the muzzle of the allied cannon, and signed a new treaty, in which there were additional humiliations for his country. The emperor expressed his regret at the occurrence at the Peiho forts; the right of England to keep a resident minister at Pekin was acknowledged; the Chinese paid an indemnity of $15,000,000, and promised to keep the peace faithfully in the future; Tien-Tsin was opened to trade; Chinese were allowed freely to emigrate to the British colonies; Kowloon, opposite Hong Kong, was ceded to the British; and the immediate operation of the treaty and convention was provided for.

Since March, 1861, Pekin has been the residence of the foreign ministers; embassies have been sent to foreign powers; and the empire so long secluded from the rest of the world has been open to the visits of foreigners whether in prosecution of commercial enterprises or in search of health or pleasure. China has adopted many foreign inventions and adapted them to her own use, and though still conservative she is no longer isolated. The end of her isolation may be fairly dated from the passage of the Peiho forts in 1858 and the capture of Pekin two years later.


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Chicago: "Capture of the Peiho Forts and Pekin— 1858– 60.," Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887 in Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887, ed. Knox, Thomas Wallace, 1835-1896 (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1887), 177–196. Original Sources, accessed June 4, 2023,

MLA: . "Capture of the Peiho Forts and Pekin— 1858– 60." Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887, in Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887, edited by Knox, Thomas Wallace, 1835-1896, New York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1887, pp. 177–196. Original Sources. 4 Jun. 2023.

Harvard: , 'Capture of the Peiho Forts and Pekin— 1858– 60.' in Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887. cited in 1887, Decisive Battles Since Waterloo; the Most Important Military Events from 1815 to 1887, ed. , G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, pp.177–196. Original Sources, retrieved 4 June 2023, from