3
Cultures and Subcultures
KirsonS.Weinbergn/an/an/an/a and
Henryn/aArondn/an/an/an/a
The Occupational Culture of the Boxer1
Herein is described the culture of the professional boxer as discovered
by personal experience, by reading of firsthand literature, and by
interview with sixty-eight boxers and former boxers, seven trainers, and
five managers.2 The aspects covered are recruitment, practices and beliefs,
and the social structure of the boxing world.
RECRUITMENT
Professional boxers are adolescents and young men. Nearly all are of low
socioeconomic background. Only two of our fighters might possibly have
been of middle-class family. Most are immigrants to the city and are
children of such. Their residences at the time of becoming boxers are
distributed like the commoner forms of social disorganization, being almost
all near the center of the city. Nearly all Chicago boxers lived on the
Near South and Near West sides. There is an ethnic succession of boxers
which corresponds to that of the ethnic groups in these areas. First Irish,
then Jewish, then Italian, were most numerous among prominent boxers; now,
Negroes (Table 1).
TABLE 1
RANK ORDER OF NUMBER OF PROMINENT BOXERS OF VARIOUS ETHNIC
GROUPS FOR CERTAIN YEARS*
The traditions of an ethnic group, as well as its temporary location at
the bottom of the scale, may affect the proportion of its boys who become
boxers. Many Irish, but few Scandinavians, have become boxers in this
country; many Filipinos, but very few Japanese and Chinese.
The juvenile and adolescent culture of the lower socioeconomic levels
provides a base for the boxing culture. Individual and gang fights are
encouraged. The best fighter is often the most admired, as well as the most
feared, member of a gang. A boy who lacks status tries to get it and to
restore his self-esteem by fighting.3 Successful amateur and
professional boxers furnish highly visible role-models to the boys of the
slum; this is especially so among urban Negroes at present. Since he has
otherwise little hope of any but unskilled, disagreeable work, the boxing
way to money and prestige may appear very attractive. As an old-time
manager put it, "Where else can a poor kid get a stake as fast as he can in
boxing?"
Since the ability to fight is a matter of status among one’s peers, is
learned in play, and is the accepted means of expressing hostility and
settling disputes, boys learn to fight early.
One fighter thought of becoming a boxer at the age of ten, because he
could not participate in team games as a child; his mother insisted that
he had a "bad heart." He stated: "I tried to fight as soon as I got old
enough, to be the roughest, toughest kid on the block." He fought so
frequently and was arrested so often for fighting that one policeman told
him that he might as well get paid for it. At the age of fourteen he
participated in fights in vacant lots in the neighborhood. Because of his
prowess as a fighter, the other boys in the neighborhood began to respect
him more, and he began to associate status with fighting. When he was about
seventeen, an amateur fighter told him about a gymnasium where he could
learn to become a "ring fighter" instead of a "street fighter." He claimed:
"I love fighting. I would rather fight than eat."
Most boxers seem to have been influenced to become "ring fighters" by a
boxer in the neighborhood or by a member of the family. One middleweight
champion claimed that he "took after" his brother, followed him to the
gymnasium, imitated him, and thus decided to be a boxer before he was
fifteen years old. Another fighter was inspired by a neighbor and became
his protégé. He continually followed his hero to the gymnasium
and learned to fight himself. Eventually the neighbor induced his manager
to take his protégé into the stable. A third fighter has
stated:
I was twelve when I went to the gym first. If there’s a fighter in the
neighborhood, the kids always look up to him because they think he’s tough.
There was an amateur in my neighborhood and he was a kind of hero to all us
kids. It was him that took me to the gym the first time.
A former welterweight and middleweight champion who has been boxing
since he was eleven years old has written in a similar vein:
I didn’t do any boxing before I left Detroit. I was too little. But I
was already interested in it, partly because I idolized a big Golden Gloves
heavyweight who lived on the same block with us. I used to hang around the
Brewster Center Gym all the time watching him train. His name was Joe
Louis. Whenever Joe was in the gym so was I. He was my idol then just like
he is today. I’ve always wanted to be like him.
Some managers and trainers of local gymnasiums directly seek out boys
who like to fight and who take fighters as their models. One such manager
says that
he sought boys who were considered the "toughest in the block" or
"natural fighters." He would get them to come to the gym and to become
amateur boxers. He entered some in tournaments, from which he received some
"cut," then sifted out the most promising for professional work.
It is believed by many in boxing circles that those in the lower
socioeconomic levels make the "best fighters":
They say that too much education softens a man and that is why the
college graduates are not good fighters. They fight emotionally on the
gridiron and they fight bravely and well in our wars, but their
contributions in our rings have been insignificant. The ring has been
described as the refuge of the under-privileged. Out of the downtrodden
have come our greatest fighters. … An education is an escape, and
that is what they are saying when they shake their heads—those who
know the fight game—as you mention the name of a college fighter.
Once the bell rings, they want their fighters to have no retreat, and a
fighter with an education is a fighter who does not have to fight to live
and he knows it.… Only for the hungry fighter is it a decent
gamble.
It can be inferred tentatively that the social processes among juveniles
and adolescents in the lower socioeconomic levels, such as individual and
gang fights, the fantasies of "easy money," the lack of accessible
vocational opportunities, and the general isolation from the middle-class
culture, are similar for those who become professional boxers as for
those who become delinquents. The difference resides in the role-model the
boy picks, whether criminal or boxer. The presence of one or several
successful boxers in an area stimulates boys of the same ethnic groups to
follow in their footsteps. Boxing, as well as other sports and certain
kinds of entertainment, offers slum boys the hope of quick success without
deviant behavior (although, of course, some boxers have been juvenile
delinquents).
Within the neighborhood the professional boxer orients his behavior and
routine around the role of boxer. Usually acquiring some measure of
prestige in the neighborhood, he is no longer a factory hand or an
unskilled laborer. He is admired, often has a small coterie of followers,
and begins to dress smartly and loudly and to conceive of himself as a
neighborhood celebrity, whether or not he has money at the time. Nurtured
by the praise of the trainer or manager, he has hopes that eventually he
will ascend to "big-time fights" and to "big money." The money that he does
make in his amateur and early professional fights by comparison with his
former earnings seems a lot to him.
OCCUPATIONAL CULTURE OF THE BOXER
The intrinsic occupational culture of the boxer is composed of
techniques, illusions, aspirations, and structured roles which every boxer
internalizes in some measure and which motivate him both inside and outside
the ring. At the outset of his career the boxer becomes impressed with the
need for training to improve his physical condition and to acquire the
skills necessary to win fights and to avoid needless injury. When he has
such status as to be sought out by promoters, he assigns a specified
interval for training before the bout. But in the preliminary ranks he must
keep himself in excellent physical shape most of the time, because he does
not know when he will be summoned to fight. He may be booked as a
substitute and cannot easily refuse the match. If he does, he may find it
difficult to get another bout. The particular bout may be the chance he has
been hoping for. The fighter is warned persistently by tales of the
ritualistic necessity of "getting in shape" and of the dire consequences if
he does not. "There is no more pitiable
sight," stated one boxer, "than to see a fighter get into the ring out
of condition."
The boxer comes to regard his body, especially his hands, as his
stock-in-trade. Boxers have varied formulas for preventing their hands from
excess swelling, from excessive pain, or from being broken. This does not
mean a hypochondriacal interest, because they emphasize virility and learn
to slough off and to disdain punishment. But fighters continually seek
nostrums and exercises for improving their bodies. One practiced Yogi,
another became a physical cultist, a third went on periodic fasts; others
seek out lotions, vitamins, and other means of improving their endurance,
alertness, and punching power.
"You have to live up to being a fighter." This phrase justifies their
deprivations and regulated living. There is also a cult of a kind of
persevering courage, called a "fighting heart," which means "never
admitting defeat." The fighter learns early that his exhibited
courage—his ability, if necessary, to go down fighting—
characterizes the respected, audience-pleasing boxer. He must cherish the
lingering hope that he can win by a few more punches. One fighter was so
severely beaten by another that the referee stopped the bout. The brother
of the beaten fighter, a former fighter himself, became so outraged that he
climbed into the ring and started to brawl with the referee. In another
instance a boxer incurred a very severe eye injury, which would have meant
the loss of his sight. But he insisted on continuing to fight, despite the
warnings of his seconds. When the fight was stopped, he protested. This
common attitude among boxers is reinforced by the demands of the
spectators, who generally cheer a "game fighter." Thus the beaten fighter
may become a "crowd-pleaser" and may get matches despite his defeat. On the
other hand, some fighters who are influenced by friends, by wives, or by
sheer experience recognize that sustained beatings may leave permanent
injuries and voluntarily quit when they are beaten. But the spirit of the
code is that the boxer continue to fight regardless of injuries. "If a man
quits a fight, an honest fight," claimed one fighter, "he has no
business there in the first place."
Fighters who remain in the sport are always hopeful of occupational
climbing. This attitude may initially be due to a definite
self-centeredness, but it is intensified by the character of boxing. Boxing
is done by single contestants, not by teams. Emphasis is on the boxer as a
distinct individual. The mores among boxers are such that fighters seldom
admit to others that they are "punchy" or "washed-up." One fighter said:
"You can tell another fighter to quit, but you can’t call him punchy. If
you do, he’ll punch you to show you he still has a punch." He has to keep
up his front.
Further, the boxer is involved in a scheme of relationships and
traditions which focus upon building confidence. The boxing tradition is
full of legends of feats of exceptional fighters. Most gymnasiums have
pictures of past and present outstanding boxers on the wall, and
identification with them comes easy for the incoming fighters. Past fights
are revived in tales. Exceptional fighters of the past and present are
compared and appraised. Second, the individual boxer is continually assured
and reassured that he is "great" and that he is "coming up." As a result,
many fighters seem to overrate their ability and to feel that all they need
are "lucky breaks" to become champions or leading contenders. Many get
self-important and carry scrapbooks of their newspaper write-ups and
pictures.
The process of stimulating morale among fighters is an integral
accompaniment of the acquisition of boxing skills and body conditioning.
The exceptions are the part-time fighters who hold outside jobs and who are
in the preliminary ranks.
They tend to remain on the periphery of the boxing culture and thus have
a somewhat different perspective on the mobility aspects of the
sport.
Since most bouts are unpredictable, boxers usually have superstitions
which serve to create confidence and emotional security among them.
Sometimes the manager or trainer uses these superstitions to control the
fighter. One fighter believed that, if he ate certain foods, he was sure to
win, because these foods gave him strength. Others insist on wearing the
same robe in which they won their first fight: one wore an Indian blanket
when he entered the ring. Many have charm pieces or attribute added
importance to entering the ring after the opponent. Joe Louis insisted on
using a certain dressing-room at Madison Square Garden. Some insist that,
if a woman watches them train, it is bad luck. One fighter, to show he was
not superstitious, would walk under a ladder before every fight, until this
became a magical rite itself. Consistent with this attitude, many intensify
their religious attitudes and keep Bibles in their lockers. One fighter
kept a rosary in his glove. If he lost the rosary, he would spend the
morning before the fight in church. Although this superstitious attitude
may be imported from local or ethnic culture, it is intensified among the
boxers themselves, whether they are white or Negro, preliminary fighters or
champions.
When a fighter likes the style, punch, or movement of another fighter,
he may wear the latter’s trunks or one of his socks or rub him on the back.
In training camps some fighters make a point of sleeping in the bed that a
champion once occupied. For this reason, in part, some take the names of
former fighters. All these practices focus toward the perspective of
"filling the place" or taking the role of the other esteemed fighter.
Moreover, many fighters deliberately copy the modes of training, the style,
and the general movements of role-models.
Since fighters, in the process of training, become keyed to a finely
balanced physical and emotional condition and frequently are irritable,
restless, and anxious, they also grow dependent and suggestible. The
superstitions and the reassuring statements of the trainer and manager both
unwittingly and wittingly serve to bolster their confidence.
Before and during the bout, self-confidence is essential. Fighters or
their seconds try to unnerve the opponent. They may try to outstare him or
may make some irritating or deflating remarks or gestures. In the ring,
tactical self-confidence is expressed in the boxer’s general physical
condition and movements. His ability to outslug, to outspar, or to absorb
punishment is part of his morale. The ability not to go down, to
outmaneuver the other contestant, to change his style in whole or in part,
to retrieve his strength quickly, or to place the opponent off-balance
inevitably affect the latter’s confidence. A fighter can feel
whether he will win a bout during the early rounds, but he is always
wary of the dreaded single punch or the unexpected rally.
Boxers become typed by their style and manner in the ring. A "puncher"
or "mauler" differs from a "boxer" and certainly from a "cream puff," who
is unable to hit hard. A "miller," or continual swinger, differs from one
who saves his energy by fewer movements. A "butcher" is recognized by his
tendency to hit hard and ruthlessly when another boxer is helpless,
inflicting needless damage. A "tanker" is one who goes down easily,
sometimes in a fixed fight or "set-up." The "mechanical" fighter differs
from the "smart" fighter, for among the "smart" fighters are really the
esteemed fighters, those who are capable of improvising and reformulating
their style, of devising original punches and leg movements, of
cunningly outmaneuvering their opponents, and of possessing the
compensatory hostility, deadly impulsiveness, and quick reflexes to finish
off their opponents in the vital split second.
Boxers have to contend with fouls and quasi-fouls in the ring. At
present, these tactics seemingly are becoming more frequent. They may have
to contend with "heeling," the maneuver by which the fighter, during
clinches, shoves the laced part of his glove over the opponent’s wound,
particularly an "eye" wound, to open or exacerbate it, with
"thumbing" in the eye, with "butting" by the head, with having their
insteps stepped on hard during clinches, with punches in back of the head
or in the kidneys, or with being tripped. These tactics, which technically
are fouls may be executed so quickly and so cleverly that the referee does
not detect them. When detected, the fighter may be warned or, at worst, may
lose the round. The boxers are thus placed in a situation fraught with
tension, physical punishment, and eventual fatigue. They may be harassed by
the spectators. Their protection consists of their physical condition and
their acquired confidence. Moreover, the outcome of the fight is decisive
for their status and self-esteem.
The boxer’s persistent display of aggression is an aspect of status.
Thus his aggression becomes impersonal, although competition is intense.
Thus two boxers may be friends outside the ring, but each will try to knock
the other out in a bout, and after the bout they may be as friendly as
competition permits. Furthermore, the injury done to an opponent, such as
maiming or killing, is quickly rationalized away by an effective trainer or
manager in order to prevent an access of intense guilt, which can ruin a
fighter. The general reaction is that the opponent is out to do the same
thing to him and that this is the purpose of boxing: namely, to beat the
opponent into submission. The exception is the "grudge fight," in which
personal hostility is clearly manifest.
In a succession of bouts, if the fighter is at all successful, he goes
through a fluctuating routine, in which tension mounts during training, is
concentrated during the fight, and is discharged in the usual celebration,
which most victorious fighters regard as their inevitable reward. Hence
many boxers pursue a fast tempo of living and spend lavishly on clothes,
women, gambling, and drink, practices seemingly tolerated by the manager
and encouraged by the persons who are attracted to boxers. Many boxers
experience intense conflict between the ordeals of training and the
pursuits of pleasure.
SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Boxers comprise a highly stratified occupation. Rank is determined by
their rating in a weight division, by their position in a match, and by
their status with stablemates who have the same manager. Annually, for each
weight division, fighters are ranked. The champion and about twenty leading
contenders are listed on top. The other fighters are listed into "A,"
"B," and "C" categories. Many local preliminary fighters are not
listed. Only the first twenty contenders and the "A" category seem
to have any importance. Of 1,831 fighters listed for 1950, 8.8 per cent
comprised the champion and leading contenders; 16.9 per cent were in the
"A" category; 74.3 per cent were in the "B" and "C"
categories.
To determine the vertical mobility of fighters, the careers of 127
fighters were traced from 1938 onward. Of these, 107, or 84.2 per cent,
remained in the local preliminary or semiwindup category. Eleven boxers, or
8.7 per cent, became local headliners, which may be in the "A"
category. They had been professional boxers for an average of almost
eight years. Eight boxers, or 7.1 per cent, achieved national
recognition, that is, among the first ten leading contenders. They also
had been professionals for an average of almost eight years. One fighter
became the champion after twelve years in the ring.
The boxers who remain in the sport believe that they can ascend to the
top because of the character of the boxing culture, in which the
exceptional boxer is emphasized and with whom the aspiring boxer
identifies. When the boxer ceases to aspire, he quits or becomes a
part-time boxer. Yet the aspiring hopes of many boxers are not unfounded,
because climbing in the sport does not depend upon ability only and also
can be a result of a "lucky break."
RELATIONSHIPS OF THE BOXER
Boxers live in a wide social milieu of trainers, managers, and
promoters. The boxer and trainer usually form the closest relationships in
the boxing milieu. At one time, many managers were trainers, too; and a few
owners of local gymnasiums still combine these roles, but their number
has declined. Furthermore, the relationships between boxer and trainer are
becoming increasingly impersonal. Consequently, the careful training and
social intimacy which characterized the conditioning of many boxers by
trainers in the past has also declined.
Generally, the specialized trainer or trainer-manager represents the
authority-figure to the boxer, transmits boxing skills to him, and becomes
his anchor point of emotional security. The trainer’s relationship with the
boxer becomes crucial to his development. The effective trainer polishes
his skills, compels him to train regularly, and distracts him from worrying
about the fight, and he can control him by withdrawing praise or can
restore his morale when he has lost. For example, a trainer reviewed a lost
fight to his charge so skilfully that the boxer began to believe that his
opponent had won by a few lucky punches. Had he averted these "lucky"
punches, the fighter felt that he would have won. His confidence restored,
he renewed his training with added vigor and determination.
The trainer may be of distinct help to the boxer during the bout.
Frequently his "second," he may advise him of his opponent’s weaknesses and
of his own faults. In addition, he can be a continuing source of confidence
to the fighter. A fighter recalled that before a bout his trainer became
ill. He felt alone and somewhat diffident when the fight began. He regained
his confidence in the third round, when he felt that his opponent could not
hurt him. Since the trainer can become so emotionally close to the fighter,
he can help or hinder him, depending upon his insight and knowledge of
boxing. Though very important to the fighter, the trainer is not a powerful
figure in the boxing hierarchy, and some trainers are as exploited as are
fighters by the managers.
One boxer has characterized managers as follows: "Some managers are
interested in the money first and in the man second; other managers are
interested in the man first." Our observations lead us to infer that the
vast majority of managers at the present time are in the first category.
They regard boxing as a business and the fighter as a commodity and are
concerned mainly with making money. To do so, they are compelled to please
the promoters and to sell their fighters’ abilities to the promoters.
Unless the manager is also a trainer, he is not concerned with the
techniques of boxing, except to publicize his charge and to arrange matches
which will bring the most revenue.
While the boxer devotes his aggressions to training and fighting, the
manager slants his aggressions to machinations for better matches and for
more money. Having few illusions about the fight business, acquainted with
and often accepting
its seamier side, he conforms to the standard managerial pattern of
having the advantage over "his" boxers in every way. First, managers
are organized into a guild, and, though some managers will try to steal
boxers from one another, they usually bar fighters who run out on managers.
(One boxer, on the other hand, tried to organize fighters into a union. His
efforts were squelched quickly, and he was informally blackballed from
fighting in New York City.) Second, many managers try to keep their
fighters financially and, if possible, emotionally tied to them. Some
managers will encourage fighters to borrow money from them and usually will
not discourage them from squandering their earnings. One manager stated
characteristically: "It’s good to have a fighter ’in you’ for a couple of
bucks." By having fighters financially indebted to them, they have an easy
expedient for controlling individuals who are unusually headstrong. Some
fighters are in the continual process of regarding every fight as an
essential means for clearing their debts.
Legally managers cannot receive more than one-third of the fighters’
purses, but many do not conform to this rule. Frequently, they take
one-half the purse, or they may put their fighters on a flat salary and get
the rest. Some managers tell their preliminary fighters that the purse was
less than it was actually and thus keep the rest for themselves.
Furthermore, many managers abuse their fighters so as to make money
quickly. They may overmatch them with superior fighters, "rush" them into
too many fights, force them to fight when they are out of condition, and
hint that the fight is "fixed" and instruct them indirectly to lose. A few
managers will match their fighters in another state when they are barred in
one state because of injuries; they will obtain matches before the required
sixty days have elapsed after their fighters have been knocked out.
Fighters may be severely hurt, even ruined, by these tactics.
Some managers, however, are concerned mainly with building up their
fighters and doing everything possible to develop their maximum ability;
but these managers are in the minority. In short, managers have no
informal standards to protect their boxers and are guided chiefly by their
own personal considerations in these activities.
Since many ruthless individuals and petty racketeers who know little
about boxing are increasingly drawn into this sport with the prime purpose
of making money quickly, boxers tend to have little, if any, protection
from managers except that provided by boxing commissions, whose rules can
be evaded without difficulty. Moreover, it is extremely difficult for a
boxer to climb or get important matches unless he has an effective
manager.
THE BOXER AND THE PROMOTER
The boxer’s relationship with the promoter is usually indirect. Yet the
promoter is the most influential person in the boxing hierarchy. He is
primarily a showman and businessman, emotionally removed from the fighter,
and regards him chiefly as a commodity. His aim is to get the most from his
investment. Thus the "show" comes first, regardless of the boxer’s welfare.
To insure his direct control over many boxers, the promoter, who legally
cannot be a manager, may appoint one or a series of "managers" as "fronts"
and thus get shares of many boxers’ earnings, as well as controlling them.
Furthermore, he can reduce the amount of the fighter’s share because the
nominal manager will not bargain for a larger share. In effect,
most boxers are relatively helpless in dealing with promoters,
especially at the present time, because of the monopolistic character of
boxing.
When a potentially good fighter wants to meet leading contenders, the
manager may have to "cut in" the promoter or "cut in" some other manager
who has connections with the promoter. Thus the mobility of the fighter
depends in large part upon the manager’s relationship to the promoter. When
the manager does not have this acceptable relationship and is unwilling to
"cut in" a third party, he will not get the desired matches.
Since the promoter is concerned primarily with attracting a large
audience, he tries to select and develop fighters who will draw customers.
Thus the fighter must have "crowd-pleasing" qualifications in addition to
ability. In this connection, the race and ethnic group play a part. A good
white fighter is preferred to a good Negro fighter; and in large cities,
such as New York and Chicago, a Jewish fighter is considered highly
desirable because the majority of fight fans are Jewish and Italian.
Despite the efforts of promoters to attract white fighters, especially
Jewish fighters, few Jewish fighters have emerged because the role-models
and practices in the local Jewish communities have changed. Even Negro
fighters, despite their dominance of the sport in quality and quantity of
fighters, are increasingly turning to other sports because the
role-models are slowly shifting.
The fighter whom a promoter does select for grooming can easily be made
mobile once he has shown crowd-pleasing tendencies. He can be, as it were,
"nursed" to the top by being matched with opponents who are easy to beat or
by meeting "set-ups" who are instructed to lose. Thus he builds up an
impressive record and is ready for big-time fights. Hence, it is difficult
to tell how competent a fighter is on his early record alone, for his
record may be designed for publicity purposes. When a fighter has won all
or nearly all of his early matches and then loses repeatedly to leading
contenders, he has been "nursed" to the top by the promoter, unless the
fighter has incurred an injury in one of his later fights. In these ways
the promoter can influence decisively the occupational career of the
boxer.
EFFECT UPON THE BOXER
The punitive character of boxing, as well as the social relationships in
the boxing milieu, affects the boxer-participants during and after their
careers in the ring.
First, the physical effects of boxing, which are intrinsic to the sport,
operate to the boxer’s detriment. Although boxers may cultivate strong
bodies, the direct and indirect injuries from this sport are very high. In
addition to the deaths in the ring, one estimate is that 60 per cent of the
boxers become mildly punch-drunk and 5 per cent become severely
punch-drunk. The severely punch-drunk fighter can be detected by an ambling
gait, thickened or retarded speech, mental stereo-typy, and a general
decline in efficiency. In addition, blindness and visual deficiency are
so pervasive that eye injuries are considered virtually as occupational
casualties, while misshaped noses and cauliflower ears are afflictions of
most boxers who are in sport for five or more years. Despite these
injuries, attempts to provide safeguards, such as headguards, have been
opposed by the fans and by many boxers because such devices presumably did
not "protect" and did not fit into their conceptions of virility and
presumed contempt for punishment.
Second, the boxing culture tends to work to the eventual detriment of
the boxer. Many boxers tend to continue a particular fight when they are
hopelessly beaten
and when they can become severely injured. Many boxers persist in
fighting when they have passed their prime and even when they have been
injured. For example, one boxer, blind in one eye and barred from fighting
in one state, was grateful to his manager for getting him matches in other
states. Another old-time boxer has admitted characteristically: "It’s hard
to quit. Fighting gets into your blood, and you can’t get it out." Many
fighters try to make one comeback, at least, and some fight until they are
definitely punch-drunk.
Boxers find further that, despite their success in the sport, their
careers terminate at a relatively early age. Since their physical condition
is so decisive to their role, when they feel a decline in their physical
prowess, they tend also to acquire the premature feeling of "being old."
This attitude is reinforced by others in the sport who refer to them as
"old men," meaning old in the occupation. Since boxing has been the
vocational medium of status attainment and since they have no other skills
to retain that status, many boxers experience a sharp decline in status in
their postboxing careers. As an illustration, of ninety-five leading former
boxers (i.e., champions and leading contenders), each of whom earned more
than $100,000 during his ring career, eighteen were found to have remained
in the sport as trainers or trainer-managers; two became wrestlers;
twenty-six worked in, "fronted for," or owned taverns; two were liquor
salesmen; eighteen had unskilled jobs, most commonly in the steelmills; six
worked in the movies; five were entertainers; two owned or worked in gas
stations; three were cab-drivers; three had newsstands; two were janitors;
three were bookies; three were associated with the race tracks (two in
collecting bets and one as a starter); and two were in business, one of
them as a custom tailor. In short, the successful boxers have a relatively
quick economic ascent at a relatively young age in terms of earning power.
But the punitive character of the sport, the boxers’ dependence upon their
managers, and their carefree spending during their boxing careers
contribute to a quicker economic descent for many boxers. Their economic
descent is accompanied by a drop in status and frequently by temporary or
prolonged emotional difficulties in readjusting to their new occupational
roles.
1 From , 1952,
57:460–469. By permission of The University of Chicago Press.
2 One of us (Arond) has been a boxer, trainer, and manager. We first
determined some common values, beliefs, and practices by a few unstructured interviews. We used
the material thus gained to plan guided interviews which would help us sift
out what is ethnic from what belongs properly to boxing culture. Mr. Leland
White helped in the interviewing.
3 Some juveniles who fought continually to retrieve their self-esteem and
also in sheer self-defense later became boxers. One adolescent who was
half-Negro and half-Indian was induced to become a boxer by a trainer who
saw him beat two white opponents in a street fight. Another boxer admitted
that he fought continually because other boys called him a "sissy." A third
boxer fought continually because he was small and other boys picked on him.
This compensatory drive among boxers is not unusual.